The harm reduction movement formed during a period in which social movements of the working class and the excluded were weak, neo-liberalism ideologically triumphant, and potential opposition movements were viewed as offering ''tinkering'' with the system rather than a total social alternative. This climate shaped and limited the perspectives, strategies, and tactics of harm reductionists almost everywhere. In many countries, this period was also marked by a ''political economy of scapegoating'' that often targeted drug users as the cause of social woes. This scapegoating took the form of ''divide and rule'' political initiatives by business and political leaderships to prevent social unrest in a long period of worldwide economic trends toward lowered profit rates and toward increasing income inequality. However, times have changed. Mass strikes and other labor struggles, opposition to the World Trade Organisation and other agencies of neo-liberalism, community-based protests against belt-tightening, and other forms of social unrest have been increasing in many countries. This opens up the possibility of new allies for the harm reduction movement, but also poses difficult problems for which we need to develop answers. On-the-ground experience in alliance formation needs to be combined with careful discussion of and research about what approaches work to convince other movements to work for and with harm reduction, and which approaches do not. Class differences within the harm reduction movement are likely to become more salient in terms of (a) creating internal tensions, (b) increasingly, opening up new ways in which working class harm reductionists can organize within their own communities and workplaces, and (c) producing different strategic orientations that will need to be discussed and debated. As a movement, we will need to find ways to accommodate and discuss differing perspectives, needs, and assessments of opportunities and threats without paralyzing harm reduction activities.